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Communist Party of the Philippines

Have we got the government we deserved?

in Editorial

The midterm elections of 2019 have come and passed, as in previous ones, tainted with doubts over the results and assumptions of machinations by those in power.

As cynically expected, the Duterte regime emerged “victorious”. Almost all of its candidates were declared winners, with its most loyal vassals – the omnipresent presidential assistant Bong Go and the comedian former Philipppine National Police (PNP) Director Ronald ‘Bato’ de la Rosa – making it to the top-6 circle in the senatorial race.

Now the President has got the supermajority in the Senate, aided by the comebacking election of scions of political dynasties, the daughter of a deposed dictator, a known plunderer, and a celebrity wannabe.

The opposition Liberal Party has been crippled, as the Otso Diretso senatorial slate did not win a single seat. And progressive candidate Neri Colmenares – who notably consistently engaged the administration on timely and popularly-supported issues throughout the campaign period – saw his votes in the 2016 elections shaved by 1.7 million votes. “Duterte magic?” asked a skeptical election analyst.

Having retained a clear majority in the House of Representatives, Duterte has openly dictated a term-sharing scheme for the Speakership in the 17th Congress: the first 15 months on the rostrum for Representative Alan Peter Cayetano of Taguig, and the remaining 21 months for Representative Lord Velasco of Marinduque. Before this arrangement, Duterte’s son Paulo (elected Davao City congressman) and daughter Sara (reelected Davao City mayor) unabashedly displayed their own power-tripping by forming a “Duterte Coalition” in the House to back up comebacking Davao City Representative Isidro Ungab for Speaker.

The sole positive aspect of this election was the tenacity and resiliency with which the progressive partylists belonging to the Makabayan Coalition defiantly withstood and prevailed against the sustained, vicious, nationwide attacks and deceptions used against them by the military-bureacratic machine of the Duterte regime.

To a considerable extent, the voters rejected the regime’s open campaign of “zero votes for the Makabayan partylists,” aimed at dislodging the progressives from their congressional seats held since 2001. Bayan Muna won the three maximum seats allowed by the law, while Gabriela Women’s Party, Act Teachers, and Kabataan Party won a seat each. Only Anakpawis fell short in attaining the number of votes for one seat. The Makabayan bloc, the real consistent opposition in the House, remains intact.

The state machinery was slyly at work before, during, and after the elections. Its most brutal attacks were aimed at progressive candidates and partylists – ranging from killings, arrests and trumped-up charges, harassments and threats, to interminable red-tagging. Brazenly disregarding the clear prohibition by the Constitution, the PNP and the Armed Forces of the Philippines openly engaged in electioneering, campaigning against the progressives even on election day. Vote buying was more massive and rampant than ever. And the much-assailed automated election system (AES), used for the fourth time, recorded the worst incidences of malfunctions that appeared to have been intentional, not accidental (as one IT expert remarked).

Nevertheless, the elections are over and as the winners claim, “The people have spoken.”

Really?

WHAT FALLACY

The elections are meant to be a democratic exercise. The exercise is said to be a great equalizer – rich or poor, everyone is entitled to only one vote. But that is the fallacy of the ballot-box equality. In a class society like the Philippines, the machinery of the state is lodged in the hands of a few, of the rich and the powerful. The great majority is, in reality, represented only in name in these processes and has no real say in the turnout of the elections.

In truth, elections only make it possible for the ruling class to use democratic institutions in furthering their own interests. They have the economic, political, and armed means to use power practically at their whim. This is no democracy at all.

The much-touted “free, fair and honest elections” aphorism is an illusion. Practically anyone who is of age and has the mental capacity can run for public office, but only the moneyed elite can successfully run a campaign, or simply resort to vote buying. The people can choose their representatives, but again only from among the moneyed and the elite. Even if asked to vote wisely, many people are bribed, fooled, hoodwinked, cheated, or forced to vote even for the most undesirable of their oppressors. People want a peaceful election, but threats, intimidation, and violence abound.

When Otso Diretso lost to Duterte, some sectors started calling the voters “bobotante”. The system, not the people, is the culprit. Elections in a semifeudal and semicolonial society are a hoax and fraud is a common occurrence.
Democratic laws and institutions are ample in this Republic claiming to be a democratic state – but only in form, not for real. Human rights are enshrined in the Constitution but state officials are the first to violate, dismiss or disregard the laws. Duterte is a prime example. There are three branches of government for check and balance. But the ruling regime regards all the key posts within the president’s appointing authority as juicy positions to reward its loyalists and supporters.

The minority rules and the majority suffer. That is the meaning of democracy in a semifeudal and semicolonial country.

Despite this rude reality, it is important for the people to participate in the elections as a way to experience and develop their consciousness about how rotten the system is, and what fundamental changes need to be done. The elections become a training ground for the development of revolutionary consciousness. It makes people realize that democracy is lip-service and that the voice of the people can be suppressed or manipulated at any time.

Even elected officials whom the people may initially have felt were true to their promises can turn out to be corrupt, or worse, to be tyrants as in the case of Duterte. The ancient Greeks invented the term tyrant to mean agents of the people who became dictators.

In some cases, progressives and reformers are able to gain power or concessions but only in a limited or temporary sense, and as generally defined, may be tolerated or allowed by the ruling system. Again, this is more an exception than the rule; and exceptions do not make the rule. Once the ruling regime unleashes its full terror, there is no more room for democratic pretensions and all arenas for open people’s participation are deemed closed.

PURSUING DEMOCRACY

Be that as it may, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), has even more reason to pursue democracy not just in form but in substance. Its significance – the rule of the majority – is aimed not just in politics but more so in the economic sphere.

In the Philippine context, this means liberating the most numerous, yet also the most oppressed, class – specifically the farmers and agricultural workers who comprise 70% of the population – from oppression and exploitation by a privileged minority.

Hence to stand its ground democracy must be rooted in the economy, which means satisfying the demand for land reform of the landless majority. This means addressing their economic and social problems to effect changes in their class position in Philippine society. This means liberating the country’s productive forces to define their own existence towards justice and prosperity. For too long, widespread landlessness has engendered gross poverty and inequality not just for the peasantry but also for other oppressed classes.

Hence in waging the people’s democratic revolution, the struggle for land takes precedence over all other demands of the people. This is basically an agrarian war. The peasants, in alliance with the working class, have to wrest control of the land from the ruling elite as a means to end poverty and inequality. This is a struggle that may be bloody, because the most reactionary class, the landlords, will not take this sitting down when their land monopoly is challenged, or private property is subdivided and distributed among the tillers of the land.

In due time, as the revolution advances the will of the majority shall find expression not just in the economy but in politics as well. One who holds economic power wields political power. Hence the dominant position of the great majority must be secured for the flowering of true democracy.

Revolutionaries are aware that the quest for democracy does not stop with the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution but shall be carried on to the next stage, the socialist revolution. Ultimately the working class becomes the majority of the population, and the dominant class as well. The leadership of this class will find expression in a proletarian state until such time that the people can govern their own lives with no more need for classes or states.

As Lenin put it, it is not the bourgeoisie but the proletariat who can make democracy happen.

True enough, in the Philippines and through the leadership of the proletarian party, the CPP, changes are becoming more visible in many guerrilla fronts in the country.

Emboldened by the revolution, the peasants in the countryside are not just taking up arms to fight for their rights; they are building their own organizations and setting up organs of political power. Elections are called in a truly free, fair and honest manner; the ballot is treated as sacred; representatives are selected from their own ranks and are subject to recall when they err.

Group meetings, mass assemblies, education sessions, deliberations, consultations have become as common as farming. The people are involved in governance as well as in policy-making. Even matters related to production is no longer just an individual or family decision but is addressed by the entire community.

Once the majority of the people gains the power over their own lives – that will be democracy. And that is what the ruling class fears most: an awakened citizenry schooled in the ways of democracy.#

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KA KARI: Revolution Runs in the Family

in Mainstream
by Iliya Makalipay

It was in 1979 when members of the CPP-NPA reached Ka Kari’s barrio. They often met with his family and discussed with them the aims of the revolution. After a year, Ka Kari and his elder brother decided to go fulltime in the revolutionary movement. After a year of being a staff member of the regional committee, he joined the team that established the first unit of the New People’s Army (NPA) in a district in Eastern Visayas. That was in 1982.

While Ka Kari and his brother Ing-ing were becoming absorbed with their revolutionary work, they had to deal with the opposition from their eldest brother who was against with their involvement in the CPP-NPA. But two years later, in 1984, the elder also joined the NPA.

It was a professor from Cebu who stayed in their house who finally recruited his eldest brother. “But my brother and I never failed to write our family, to tell them about our work as red fighters—organizing the community towards building revolutionary organizations, helping in production work and pursuing agrarian revolution, engaging enemy troops among others,” he explained.

The brothers wanted their family to know that they were not abandoned, that the revolution is the best they could offer them and the people in general. They were persistent, too, in inviting their loved ones to visit them whenever the red fighters were camped.

The nine siblings were deployed in various lines of work and territorial organs within the region. Wherever they were, they looked for family and clan members and kept in touch with them, “to make sure they were informed about the revolution.” The clan members were also tapped for various support work. “Wherever they are, even those residing outside the region, we make sure that comrades get in touch with them.”

As Ka Kari and his brothers and sisters got married, the revolutionary family grew. Sons and daughters were cared for by in-laws who have become part of the movement, too. Having maintained a close relationship with the nephews and nieces, “the children naturally had their own “idols” among us, depending on who they are closest to.”

But it was not easy at first. “The children resented us. They argued and fought us,” said Ka Kari. But like what they did before, Ka Kari and his siblings persistently explained to them the struggle for liberation and democracy. It paid off, he said because now, “Linyado na rin sila. Some are still studying while others are waiting to reach the age of 18.”

Eventually, sons and daughters and nieces and nephews, upon reaching the right age, also became part of the movement, either as red fighters or organizers in the barrios where they lived or in the schools where they studied. “We look for ways to sustain those who wish to continue their studies,” Ka Kari said. “Also, those who have no good reason to join the revolutionary movement were not recruited.” Expectedly, there were also those who lied low and left the guerrilla zone.

Family of martyrs

It has already been 37 fruitful years for Ka Kari in the red army when the CPP celebrated its 50th anniversary. Of the nine siblings, only three are still alive to celebrate the occasion—Ka Kari, Ka Resty and Ka Nonoy. Five of Ka Kari’s siblings had been killed while serving the revolution. One was abducted and has never been surfaced since 2005. All in all, 14 of Ka Kari’s family members have become martyrs of the revolution.

In 1987, Ka Kari’s younger brother Ramil, their sixth, was killed by the military. It was the first death among Ka Kari’s siblings. He was 18 years old. The brother was part of the armed city partisan unit and was tasked to transport a wounded comrade back to the guerrilla zone. He and another comrade were on their way back to the city when soldiers arrested them. His comrade was tortured and chopped to death because he refused to tell where the other comrades were. Ka Kari’s brother was also killed right after, for the same reason.

Ka Kari himself was arrested in 2006 and spent seven years in jail. “Only two of my siblings did not experience imprisonment,” he remarked. But each of those who were jailed would always find their way back to the guerrilla zone.

“Our family has long accepted that death is inevitable. Every death in the family strengthened our resolve to continue. Afterall, those deaths do not invalidate the basis of the struggle, of why are here.”

Family meetings are occasions to process the loss of loved ones. “Waray magulang, waray manghud, waray ranggo (We don’t mind who is the eldest or the youngest, there’s no ranking here),” he jested. A representative from a higher Party organ is usually invited in these meetings. When Ka Kari was released after almost a decade of imprisonment, they held a family meeting. “Our family has grown, the nephews and nieces are now married. Some of them are now also working fulltime in the revolutionary movement. There were already 14 deaths in the family, 14 martyrs. After each member spoke, it was clear that we were all determined to continue, “Fight fear!” is how they ended their meeting.

Raising a revolutionary family

The family of Ka Kari did not simply follow each other’s footsteps. Theirs was a product of a persistent and painstaking work of arousing, organizing and mobilizing the masses for the people’s war. It stemmed from the comrades’ consciousness that their family is among the oppressed and exploited majority and that liberation could only be attained by actively participating in the people’s revolutionary movement.

Ka Kari’s words sum it up: “Ang pamilya kolektib din. Tinitiyak namin na mulat ang mga asawa namin, anak, mga pamangkin para hindi sila malayo sa rebolusyon. Kaming myembro ng pamilya na nasa loob ng hukbo, may tasking kami para abutin ang myembro ng pamilya namin. Kung nagpupukaw ka nga sa masa na ‘di mo kakilala, bakit hindi ang pamilya mo. Hindi mo lang sila kadugo, biktima din sila ng mapang-aping lipunan.”

“Your family is also your collective. We make sure our spouses, children, nephews and nieces are aware of the situation and don’t distance themselves from the revolution.”

Through the years, family members would urge them to come home. To which he would reply, “you come here (to the front). No matter how hard you try, as long as oppression and exploitation exist, you will always be a victim.”

“Kahit mahirap ang buhay sa hukbo, hindi kami kawawa. Ang kawawa ay yung mga inaapi at pinagsasamantalahan pero di lumalaban,” was how Ka Kari described the life in the people’s army.

“Life may be hard in the people’s army, but don’t pity us. Pity those who are exploited but do not fight back.”

Malaya na si Maya

in Mainstream
isinalaysay kay Ester Martires

Dalawang linggo ang ipinaalam niyang “bakasyon” sa mga kakolektibo niya. Kasama na rito ang ilang araw na biyahe papunta at pabalik. Kalkulado ang haba ng oras ng byahe; kung gaano kahaba ang lalakarin lalo’t maulan (at petiburges/laking lunsod siya); at kung gaanong ibayong pagtalima sa mas pinahigpit na palisiya sa byahe.

Ilang linggo pa lang mula nang ibaba ng Malacañang ang Memorandum Order 32 na nagdagdag ng pwersa ng pulis at militar sa rehiyon ng Bikol at sa mga probinsya ng Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental at Samar.

Pero mas maigting ang pananabik at determinasyon niyang makapasok, sa unang pagkakataon, sa larangang gerilya. Dagdag pa sa kanyang pananabik ang nalalapit na pagdiriwang ng ika-50 anibersaryo ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas na gaganapin sa eryang kinikilusan ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan sa ilalim ng Rodante Urtal Command sa Samar.

Makalipas ang mahigit isang linggong pakikisalamuha sa hukbong bayan, nagdesisyon siyang manatili at magdeklarang fulltime na pulang mandirigma.

Narito ang kaniyang kwento.

UNANG HAKBANG

“Sabi ko sa kolektib (collective) ko, magpapaprograma ako mag-CS (larangang gerilya). Halos lahat sila nakapunta na sa mga taunang anniv (anibersaryo). Sabi ko, magtu-two weeks ako para matagal ang stay. Sayang naman ‘yong panahon na walang pasok.

In-expect ko naman ‘yong ganito talagang sitwasyon, ‘yong mahirap umakyat. Kasi marami na rin naman akong ka-collective na nagkukwento. Sa tingin ko naman kakayanin ko or kung hindi man, and’yan naman ‘yong mga kasama para ikonsolida ka, ganyan.

Dapat magkasama kami ni Rei, ‘yong kasama kong galing na rin sa ibang larangan. Kaso may kailangan siyang kausapin sa kabilang larangan. E, hindi raw ako pwedeng pumunta do’n. So, magkahiwalay kami. Sobra akong kinakabahan kasi wala talaga akong idea. First time ko ‘to.

Bilin nang bilin si Rei, ‘O ganito, ganyan-ganyan. ‘Wag kang mahiyang magtanong. Magpa-buddy ka. Wag kang mag-isang maliligo. Maglagay ka ng efficascent.’ Sobrang nanay! Hahaha!

Kinabahan ako kasi una, language barrier. Ang hirap makipag-usap. Buti na lang maraming nakakapag-Tagalog. Medyo mabilis akong nakakaintindi ng mga sinasabi nila kasi marunong ako ng salitang Bicol. Saka basic at may context naman.
Sobrang swerte ko kasi ‘yong mga kasama, sila mismo ‘yong lumalapit para magtanong, makipag-usap. So, ang mode na lang ay sumagot do’n sa mga tanong. Hahaha! Bago talaga lahat. Hindi lang sa mga tao, pati sa environment.”

PAGLABAS SA KINAMULATAN

“Malaking tulong na may scholarship ako no’ng college. Bawas na ako sa iisipin ng magulang ko. So, ang pinaka-main goal na lang talaga e maka-graduate—makatapos ng pag-aaral, makapasok sa magandang paaralan lalo na sa kolehiyo—tapos makatulong sa pamilya at magkapamilya rin nang sarili.

Pero hindi rin ganoon ipinupursige ng mga magulang ko ‘yong magka-career ako dahil babae naman ako; mag-aasawa lang din naman. May takdang edad sila na dapat by 26 may asawa ka na. Sa kolehiyo, e di mas namulat na hindi naman kailangan na magpamilya kaagad. Parang pwede namang mag-focus muna sa career—women empowerment, ganyan. Unti-unti akong namulat na hindi naman kailangang isantabi ‘yong mga pangarap dahil babae ako. Mas gano’n na ‘yong naging mode.

Matindi rin noon ‘yong issue ng free education sa college. Ang pagtingin ko pa no’n okey naman ‘yong sistema na kung may pera ka, e di magbayad ka. E marami rin ‘yong nagpu-push ng “Hindi! Scrap natin! Kailangan free education!” So, mas na-curious ako sa gagawin ng school kung walang magbabayad ng tuition? Kasi ganyan talaga ‘yong sistema ngayon. Hindi kasi sila nagsisikap e. Nando’n ako sa pagtingin na ‘yon.

Tapos highschool pa lang, may mode na ‘wag kayong sasali ng mga rally-rally’ sa college. Hindi naman negative ang pagtingin ko sa mga aktibista no’n. Mas sa akin, ano ba ‘yong ihahain nilang alternative solution?

Dahil solusyon ang hanap ko, sumama ako sa pag-aaral nila. E di, kumbinsido naman ako. Pero wala pa ‘ko do’n sa mode na sumali talaga. Hindi ako nagpa-member. Nando’n din kasi ‘yong connotation na ‘pag aktibista ka, hindi nakaka-graduate.”

PAGHAHANAP NG GIYA

“Tuloy-tuloy pa rin ako no’ng second year. Naengganyo akong sumali kasi napadalas na ‘yong mga pag-aaral tapos marami na ring mga kaibigan na kasali na. So, parang hatak din ng barkadismo, gano’n? Hahaha! Nag-decide akong sumali pero hindi pa ‘ko nag-active.

Pagtuntong ng third year, doon na ako mas lumubog sa gawain. Nagbibigay na ako ng mga pag-aaral. Mas dumalas na ang pakikisalamuha sa mga tao labas sa unibersidad. Lumawak ang mundo. Tapos February no’n, may nag-invite na sa akin na sumali sa underground organization ng kabataan—‘yong Kabataang Makabayan. Do’n na rin ako pinasumpa.

Naging mas malalim na ‘yong commitment ko. Pero kasabay din no’n ‘yong pagtatago sa magulang. Dahil Journalism ang course ko, ang dali kong nailulusot—kasi may legwork; field; kailangan sa project, kailangang may interbyuhin.
Hindi ko rin naasikaso ‘yong pagma-mass work sa pamilya. United naman sila sa mga issue. Alam naman nilang may maling nangyayari, e. Pero ang mode nila, tanggapin na lang natin kasi ganyan na ‘yong nangyayari. Kailangan silang paliwanagan kung ano ang dapat. ‘Pag nagkukwentuhan kami, parang katulad ko rin sila, nagtatanong sila—o bakit ganito? Anong magiging solusyon d’yan?”

REBELYON SA URI

Ang mode ko pa rin noon kahit kumikilos, maka-push pa rin na maka-graduate. Tinapos ko ‘yong thesis ko. Tapos e di ‘yon, naka-graduate. Tingin ko, okey lang naman na magtrabaho ako. Sa tingin ko ‘yong linya naman ng trabaho ko malaki pa rin ang maitutulong. Tapos mapi-please ko pa ‘yong magulang ko na nagtatrabaho ako. Kung dati napagsabay ko naman ‘yong pag-aaral at pagkilos, e di kaya ko rin naman siguro ngayon kasi mas hawak ko na ‘yong oras ko, mas may resources ako na makatulong.

Five months akong natengga dahil sa sobrang tagal ng proseso ng interview ng kumpanyang in-apply-an ko. Na-depress na rin ako kasi halos lahat ng kasabayan kong grumadweyt nagtatrabaho na. So kinuha ko na ‘yong opportunity do’n sa kakilala ng tatay ko. Kulang na kulang daw talaga ng empleyado.

Dahil sa sobrang demanding sa oras ng trabaho ko, hindi rin talaga napagsabay ang pagkilos. Wala rin ako halos naitutulong sa kolektib ko. Mas abot lang ng resources. Hindi rin ako laging nakakapagpa-update sa kanila. Nakakausap ko sila thru social media, hindi talaga personal kaya hindi sila makapagbigay ng payo kung ano na bang dapat kong gawin.

Naging cause din ‘yong trabaho ng depression. Doon ko napatunayan na kapag namulat ka na, mahirap na talagang pumikit. Sobrang totoo n’ya! Hahaha!

‘Yong mga ini-interview ko, puro pro-government ang sinasabi. Tapos hindi ka makapag-komento. ‘Neutral’ dapat. Buti sana kung “neutral” talaga e, kaso hindi. Kailangan talagang panigan ‘yong government. Gustong-gusto kong magsalita pero hindi ko magawa. Laging pigil. Ako mismo, alam kong hindi totoo ‘yong mga isinusulat ko. Sobrang labag na labag s’ya sa kalooban ko.

Hindi ko ibinibigay ‘yong best ko kasi alam kong wala naman s’yang magandang naidudulot. Hindi ko rin napapaunlad ‘yong sarili ko. Pwede ko pa sanang masabi na ‘Ok, naggo-grow ka. Naho-hone mo ‘yong talent mo’ pero hindi s’ya totoo.

‘Yong work ethics din mismo, hindi rin maganda. Puro basura ‘yong ginagawa ko, basura pa ‘yong paraan ng paggawa. Pero ok lang din naman sa kanila. Hindi rin maayos ‘yong pagtse-check. As in pangit talaga! Hahaha!

‘Yong time na may hinalikan si Duterte, may chat box ‘yong team namin sa trabaho tapos ginagawa pa nilang joke! Gustong-gusto kong mag-leave group kasi puro basura ‘yong pinag-uusapan nila, pero hindi ko magawa.

Tinatanong na ‘ko ng tatay ko noong una pa lang kung kumusta ako. Parang alam din naman n’ya ‘yong mga posisyon ko sa mga bagay-bagay. ‘Kinakaya mo pa ba na ganyan ‘yong mga sinusulat mo? Mga ginagawa mo?’ E di, dumating ako do’n sa puntong sobrang hirap nang lunukin ng mga bagay para sa’kin. Sinabi ko ‘yon sa mga magulang ko. Sinabi ko lahat ng dahilan. Nag-decide na ‘ko na mag-resign. Parang okey naman sa kanila, ‘Sige, kung hindi mo na talaga kaya.’ ”

PAGHAHANAP / PAGTATAGO

“Pumasok na ‘ko sa grupong lilipatan ko noon pa sanang pagka-graduate ko. Nagdeklara na ‘kong fulltime no’n sa grupo ko pero sa magulang ko, nagtatrabaho ang alam nila. Dahil alam nilang nagtatrabaho ako, kailangan kong mag-abot ng pera. So ayon, doble-doble lahat: raket tapos nagpu-fulltime.

Lahat ng nakukuha ko sa raket, binibigay ko sa magulang ko kasi ang alam nila may sweldo ako. Hindi ko rin sinabi na nag-staff house na ‘ko. Alam nila nagbabayad pa rin ako ng bahay para alam nilang may mga gastos ako.

Hindi ko rin kinaya. As in hindi ko na kayang rumaket kasi sobrang dami na ng gawain. Nahihirapan na ‘kong magsinungaling kasi kailangan ko ring umuwi ng weekend sa bahay namin. Nahihirapan na rin akong mag dahilan kung bakit hindi ako nakakauwi. Nag-decide na ‘kong sabihin na nag-fulltime na ‘ko. Aware naman sila do’n sa konseptong fulltime kasi nasasabi ko naman ‘yon lalo na no’ng college na may mga kaibigan akong kilala nila na nag-fulltime na.

Unang tanong agad sa’kin ng tatay ko, ‘NPA ka na ba?” Sabi pa niya huwag daw akong mag-e-NPA! As in ‘yon kaagad! Hahaha!

Sabi ko, ‘Haggard! FT pa lang ako dito sa labas. Hindi pa nga ako nakakapunta do’n (sa sonang gerilya)!’ Sabi ko kung NPA ako, nando’n na ‘ko. ‘Tsaka wala akong baril! Hahaha! Tapos sabi niya, ‘wag daw akong mag-e-NPA; wag na wag daw akong aakyat ng bundok.

Tuloy-tuloy ‘yong pagkumbinsi ng mga magulang ko na pag-isipan ko ‘yong desisyon ko. ‘Pa’no na ‘yong future mo? Kung magpu-fulltime ka, pa’no ‘pag nagkapamilya ka? Sa’n ‘yong trabaho mo?’

Tuwing may chance na umuwi, kukumbinsihin ako ng nanay kong ‘wag nang umalis. Tapos magkaaway kaming maghihiwalay kasi hindi siya papayag na aalis na naman ako.

Tapos ‘yong tatay ko, tinatanong din kung ano bang plano ko. Ituloy ko na lang daw ‘yong dati kong balak na mag-law. Sagot na raw n’ya buong tuition. Ako na lang daw bahala kung sa’n ako titira.

Sunod-sunod ‘yon! – O gusto mo ba ng ganito? Gusto mo ba ng bagong ganyan? – May mga pamba-bribe talagang ginagawa.

Sabi ko, hindi ko naman kailangan ‘yan. Pinapaliwanag ko, di ba nga part ng pagpapanibagong-hubog. Hanggang sa dumating ‘yong time na parang medyo natanggap na nila na gano’n.”

PAGBAKA SA SARILI

“Lagi naman nandoon ‘yong perspective ng magsi-CS ako. No’ng nag-decide akong mag-fulltime sa lungsod, naisip ko na magsi-CS din ako. Kahit naman no’ng college, do’n ko rin naman nakikita ‘yong sarili ko. Pero parang long term pa. Magtatrabaho muna saka magsi-CS.

Tapos no’ng nakasama ko si Rei, kasi galing na rin s’ya ng CS, ang dami n’yang kwento. So, do’n pa lang namumulat ka na. ‘Pag nasa lungsod kasi parang vague pa rin ‘yong tungkol sa agreb (agrarian revolution); totoo ba ‘yong rev government (revolutionary government), parang hindi naman—parang sobrang imposible, parang ang hirap n’yang gawin, or hirap n’yang i-maintain.

Naiisip ko rin kung kakayanin ko ba? Kasi parang mode ko no’ng una, three months muna, six months. Alam mo ‘yon, parang may option ka pa ring bumalik. Sobrang petibs (petiburges) n’ya na gusto mong may back up plan ka lagi—na kung sakaling ayoko na—naka-graduate naman ako so pwede pa rin akong magtrabaho sa labas kung sakaling hindi ko na talaga s’ya kaya.

Tapos nabanggit ni Ka Jag ‘yong “burning the bridge” daw ng pagbalik sa petibs na pamumuhay. Na may mga desisyon s’yang pinili para wala s’yang fallback.

Sabi ko, hala parang oo nga. Hindi mo mapu-fulfill ‘yong sinasabi mong pagpapanibagong-hubog kung ang thinking mo lagi ay may fallback ka.”

PAGSULYAP

“E, di mukhang nabubuo na ‘yong mga kundisyon para mag-fulltime. Ito na ‘yong nakita kong paraan para hindi na ‘ko bumalik sa dating ako. Dito ko na nakikita ‘yong sarili ko, bakit pa ‘ko nag-iisip ng option? Alam mo ‘yon, nakikita ko na ‘yong sarili ko kung pa’no ko kakausapin ‘yong mga masa, kung pa’no ‘ko magpo-propa (propaganda) sa kanila.

Decided naman na ‘ko mag-fulltime. Pero uuwi muna ‘ko after ng anniv. S’yempre para sana mag-ayos ng mga maiiwan. Naisip ng mga kasama dito na baka mahirapang makauwi at makabyahe pabalik. Nabanggit ko rin kasi sa kanila ‘yong hirap namin sa pagso-solicit ng pamasahe. Tapos ayon, matindi na rin ‘yong seguridad.

Paulit-ulit din ‘yong pag-iisip na s’yempre iba ‘yong mga tendensya ‘pag nando’n ka na ulit sa lungsod. Una, kultura. Malaki talagang pagpapanibagong-hubog kasi ibang-iba talaga ‘yong kalagayan dito sa nakasanayan natin sa labas. Kahit fulltime din ako sa labas, iba pa rin ‘yong kultura. Tapos ‘yong ganitong kalagayan na maputik. Tapos ‘yong kinagisnan mong bahay talaga—na may CR—‘yong maliliit na comfort.

Pangalawa, ‘yong usapin sa pamilya. Matindi talaga ‘yong emotional blackmail. Hindi sila aware do’n pero ang laking epekto no’n sa’tin. ‘Yong kailangan mong magpakatatag kasi hihilahin ka talaga. Sobrang hirap lagpasan. Lahat naman daw ng nagpu-fulltime pinagdadaanan ‘yon. Natural lang daw ‘yon.

Wala naman ako do’n sa mode na takot akong mamatay. Kasi given naman s’ya. ‘Yong takot ko lang sa hindi pag-uwi ay mas titindi ‘yong galit ng pamilya ko sa kilusan. Hindi man lang ako nakapagpaliwanag sa kanila. Hindi ko naayos ‘yong mass work sa sarili kong magulang. Kakulangan ko ‘yon na imbes na maintindihan nila, kung hindi man sila sumali, ‘yong pinaglalaban ng kilusan.

Pangatlo, na mas magiging mahirap ‘yong pagkilos dito kumpara do’n sa nakasanayan natin sa labas. Although matindi rin naman ‘yong militarisasyon sa labas pero relatively mas “safe?” Mas dito mo mapapatunayan ‘yong buhay-at-kamatayan talaga ‘yong dahilan ng paglaban n’yo. Mas matindi talaga ‘yong panganib pero sa sitwasyon kasi natin ngayon, pwede nang may mangyari sa’yong masama, e. Mas dito mo maiintindihan ‘yong pangangailangan ng pagtangan ng armas.

Alam mo ‘yon, kung ikukumpara ‘yong mga problema ko sa lungsod, walang-wala s’ya sa problema dito! Hahaha! Kahit wala ako do’n, kakayanin ng mga kakolektib ko ‘yan. Pero dito, kung mas malaki ‘yong pwersa, mas mapapabilis ‘yong gawain.”

PAGKAMPAY

“Napaisip ako sa mga sinabi nina Ka Ambo at Ka JR. Sabi ng mga kasama, malaking bagay raw sa mga parag-uma na may mga tagalungsod na pumupunta dito at nagpu-fulltime. Malaking bagay sa mga parag-uma na may mga tagalungsod—na relatibong mas okey ‘yong buhay at mas may ibang opportunity at option—pero pinipiling pumunta dito.

Sila mismo naiisip nila na ‘Bakit hindi kami kikilos? Bakit hindi kami magbibigay ng same effort na ibinibigay ng mga tagalungsod, eh kami naman ang pangunahing makikinabang sa rebolusyong agraryo?’

No’ng kinausap ko si Ka Jag na magpu-fulltime na ‘ko, mass work talaga ‘yong ni-request ko. Sabi n’ya, ‘E di magpalakas ka muna dito, mag-integrate ka muna nang three months para meron ka talagang panghahawakan na nakapag-mass work ka na—na mas lumubog ka na talaga, nakita mo na kung ano ‘yong mga pwede mong gawin dito. Kesa do’n sa aalis ka nang puro kwento ng mga kasama ang dala mo.

Ngayon, mas positibo na ‘yong pagtingin na magpakahusay sa gawain. Para naman ma-prove ko sa sarili ko na tama ‘yong pinili ko, tama ‘yong pagtanggal ko do’n sa option na meron akong babalikan. Kailangan ko ring ma-prove sa mga kakolektibo ko sa labas na kailangan talaga dito.

So kailangan ko s’yang galingan para mas maging maayos ‘yong gawain. Alam mo ‘yon, may maibabahagi ka talaga.

Na kailangan kong patunayan na tama ‘yong ginawa kong desisyon na piliin ang pagkilos kesa sa pagtatrabaho. Na hindi sayang ang buhay ko o ‘yong pinag-aralan ko dahil alam kong kailangang baguhin ang mali sa sistema.

No’ng nag-aaral pa ‘ko naisip ko na may maitutulong pa rin ako sa bansa kahit nagtatrabaho kasi prop pa rin s’ya. Pero ‘pag nando’n ka na sa loob mismo, makikita mo na hawak ka pa rin ng estado kahit nasaan ka mang kumpanya. Tapos kung private pa s’ya, mas matindi ‘yong pag-censor sa mga istoryang ilalabas mo.

Kaya mas pinili ko ang kilusan kesa sa trabaho dahil alam ko ‘yong kalagayan at mulat rin na merong kayang iambag na mas malaki. Relatibong mas malaki talaga kesa do’n sa maiaambag ko do’n sa trabaho.

At mas totoo ‘yong mga istoryang magagawa ko dito.”


Lalabagin ng kanilang yunit ang palisiyang “huwag mag-ingay” bago pa man pumutok ang liwanag. Aalingawngaw ang sigawan ng pagpupugay: “Mabuhay ang ika-singkwentang anibersaryo ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas!” Sabay-sabay na sasagot ang mga makakarinig mula sa ibaba, sa may bandang tagiliran, sa likuran, sa may kusina, sa lahat ng nakaposisyong pormasyon ng mga mandirigma: “Mabuhay!”

Naroon si Ka Maya. Buong giting na nakatindig sa hanay ng hukbong bayan: nagagalak, nagpupugay, nakataas-kamaong inaawit ang Internationale. Sa pagtatapos ay ang muling koro ng “Mabuhay! Mabuhay!”

Mula rito, kasama ng pulang kawan ng mga rebolusyonaryo, lilipad si Ka Maya. Para maging malaya. Para magpalaya.

DUTERTE IS THE BEST RECRUITER AND BEST TRANSPORT AND SUPPLY OFFICER

in Statements
Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
23 March 2019 | https://goo.gl/MLoM8h

The Filipino people and the revolutionary forces led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) have a lot to thank Duterte for. Though unwittingly, like the tyrant Marcos in his own time, Duterte has become the best recruiter and the best transport and supply officer of the New People’s Army (NPA).

As the best recruiter of the NPA, Duterte has driven so many people to join the NPA by running a tyrannical, treasonous, mass murdering, plundering and inflation-generating regime. The people have no choice but to fight such an evil regime.

By terminating the peace negotiations, he compels the armed revolutionary movement to concentrate on intensifying the people’s war and cast away any illusion that this regime of terror and greed can negotiate social, economic and political reforms to address the roots of the armed conflict in order to achieve a just and lasting peace.

The more direct kind of assistance that Duterte gives to the armed revolution is splitting up his military and police forces into two parts, one part for psywar and mass intimidation and the other part for blind and deaf armed offensives against the people.

The part for psywar and mass intimidation is for engaging in fake peace-and-development activities, rounding up people for fake localized peace negotiations, fake surrenders, occupation of civilian offices, too many checkpoints, guarding pro-Duterte politicians and business enterprises, over-enlarged surveillance and intelligence operations, widespread red tagging, urban arrests and death-squad operations.

The part for combat is weakened with less personnel for field deployment. In any case, whatever is the number of combat personnel of the reactionary armed forces, they are rendered blind and deaf by the lack of popular support wherever they dare to move against the guerrilla fronts.

Duterte is the best transport and supply officer when he sends his troops and police to attack the guerrilla fronts. When they advance in superior force, the NPA retreats and gives the enemy an illusion of winning. But when they camp and take over rough terrain, their strength is thinned out and they leave gaps between units and make small detachments and patrol teams, which are easy targets for the counteroffensives of the NPA.

Duterte’s scheme to destroy the NPA in Mindanao and then in Luzon and the Visayas has utterly failed. The predictions of Ano and Duterte that they could destroy the NPA before the end of 2018 have proven to be false. Duterte’s prediction that the NPA would be destroyed before the middle of 2019 have been debunked by DND secretary Lorenzana himself who begged for more time until 2022.

The NPA has become stronger in Mindanao, with more enemy units being annihilated and disarmed. At the same time, the people’s war in Luzon and the Visayas has successfully intensified. Thus, Duterte is compelled to redeploy some of his forces from Mindanao to the Visayas and Luzon. The 75 percent of his military forces concentrated in Mindanao since 2017 are now down to 64 percent, according to inside AFP sources.

The diehard reactionaries like Duterte and his armed minions always fail to appreciate the strategic line of protracted people’s war in pursuit of the people’s democratic revolution. This strategic line gives the wide space and time for the NPA to grow from small and weak to big and strong and to lure in the enemy forces to spread out thinly in the countryside and to so many islands for NPA tactical offensives to become more effective.

It is impossible for the reactionary military, police and paramilitary forces to defeat the NPA through sheer military operations and puerile psywar. The NPA already has nationwide strength and is deeply rooted among the toiling masses. It occupies almost all the strategic areas favorable for guerrilla warfare in the stage of strategic defensive and for the prospective regular mobile warfare in the strategic stalemate.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has wisely changed the NPA force structure, with 40 percent of its units relatively concentrated for tactical offensives and 60 percent relatively dispersed units for mass work in each of the 110 guerrilla fronts. By seizing more arms from the enemy forces, the NPA is increasing its ability to hit the weak points of the enemy at will all over the archipelago.

At this time, the termination of the peace negotiations seems to benefit Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship but in fact, it drives the broad masses of the people and the organized revolutionary forces to wage all forms of resistance to isolate and intensify them in order to isolate and defeat the tyrannical US-Duterte regime.

As an observer of the current civil war in the Philippines, I have learned from CPP revolutionary publications that the best way to frustrate Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship, to puncture its arrogance and debunk the fake surrenders and fake encounters staged by the regime and its armed running dogs is for the NPA to deliver more lethal blows on weak points of the enemy forces in the countryside and deliver head blows to the regime’s most brutal, corrupt and drug-trading officials in the urban areas.

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